By Douglas Brinkley
President Truman's Secretary of kingdom (1949-53), Dean Acheson was once a vital determine within the shaping of the postwar international. In an astonishingly inventive and significant tenure Acheson was once concerned to a point seldom learned this present day in an enormous variety of matters: from the construction of NATO to the Korean struggle. the results of an important commemorative convention, this quantity brings jointly ten exotic diplomatic historians, commissioned to put in writing on quite a few elements of Acheson's occupation, in line with basic archival learn.
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Additional resources for Dean Acheson and the Making of U.S. Foreign Policy
It is worth noting that his vision for Yale was never that of a British imitation. He was convinced the collegiate system that worked for the British was not suited to the American system, even to the Ivy League. 6 Acheson's links to an Atlantic Community were through Britain rather than to Britain. The world he looked back upon with considerable nostalgia, as he wrote on the fiftieth anniversary of The Yale Review, was stable and predictable. It was an Englishinfluenced world in which Americans shared.
According to this document, the United States must be prepared to contain Communism everywhere. It must create what Acheson called situations of strength and must do so through a vast expansion of its military capabilities, at an estimated annual cost of approximately $40 billion. This expansion would close what NSC 68 saw as a gap between America's global commitments and its military arsenal. But it would also overturn efforts by the Truman administration to hold the line on defense spending. These efforts had fitted neatly with the administration's initial decision to rely on economic diplomacy rather than military power to achieve foreign-policy objectives, and with the determination of budget balancers to restrain inflationary pressures in the United States.
In addition, Marshall Aid became their tool for building an integrated and supranational system in Western Europe. Such a system would generate the economies of scale that were needed to put member states on a self-supporting basis and to clear a path toward their partnership in a multilateral pattern of world trade. At the same time, in the words of a State Department paper, it would also create a framework 'into which Germany can be "integrated", by which Germany can be "contained", [and] in which Germany can play a peaceful, constructive but not dictatorial role'.