By John W. Garver
Throughout the Sino-Japanese battle of 1937-1945, the chinese language humans suffered nice degradation by the hands of the japanese. The spectacle of China's debasement in addition to the very actual prospect of the recovery of alien rule incensed nationalist passions all through China. because the army, financial, and political crises deepened, 3 diversified chinese language regimes emerged--the chinese language Communist occasion (CCP), chinese language Nationalist occasion or Kuomintang (KMT), and the pro-Japanese govt headed through Wang Jingwei--all competing for nationalist legitimacy. via an exhaustive and meticulous exam of obtainable assets, John Garver the following illuminates the complex courting among those diversified versions in chinese language nationalism and the Soviet Union in this interval. In doing so, Garver elucidates the international relations of Chiang Kai-shek and the chinese language Nationalists, the internal historical past of chinese language Communist relatives with the Soviet Union, and the intersection of those issues in the greater context of diplomacy in East Asia and the area.
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Additional resources for Chinese-Soviet Relations, 1937-1945: The Diplomacy of Chinese Nationalism
15 16 CHINESE-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1937-1945 A second basis for the Sino-Soviet alliance was its practicality in dealing with the Japanese military threat. As long as both the Republic of China and the Soviet Union were involved in active or potential military confrontation with Japan, Tokyo was unable to concentrate its forces to deal with either in isolation. From China's perspective, as long as large Soviet forces were maintained along the borders of Manchuria and Korea, Japan was forced to deploy large countervailing forces thereby limiting its ability to mass forces in China.
In such a war the "most critical factor" would be reaching an agreement with the Soviet Union for the supply of military equipment and the conclusion of a Soviet-Chinese treaty of mutual security. 18 After the meeting at Lushan, mention of a mutual security treaty disappears from the diplomatic record. According to Zhou Xicai, once Wang Chonghui and Sun Ke resumed discussions with Bogomolov in Shanghai, Bogomolov insisted that it was already too late for a mutual security treaty. The purpose of such a treaty, Bogomolov reportedly said, was to prevent the outbreak of war.
Stalin was careful to leave room for possible Soviet involvement, probably because he realized that by unconditionally ruling out Soviet intervention he would encourage Chiang to make peace with Japan. Chiang also understood this linkage and tried to use it to China's advantage by threatening to make peace with Japan unless Stalin increased Soviet support. According to Jiang Tingfu, Yang Jie was willing to use more devious methods to secure Soviet entry into the war. H. Kung, Chiang Kai-shek's brother-in-law and key financial expert, and other Chinese officials, was about to depart for London to participate in the coronation of Britain's King George VI, Yang attempted to persuade him that while in London he should announce to Reuthers press agency that the Soviet Union would enter the war against Japan within two weeks.