By Panos Sophoulis
This leading edge survey of Byzantium's kinfolk with pre-Christian Bulgaria within the overdue 8th and early 9th century bargains a wholly new framework for knowing the advancements that formed probably the most turbulent classes within the background of the early Medieval Balkans. in contrast to earlier stories, it integrates the surviving literary assets with the ever-growing archaeological list to build a finished narrative account of the Byzantine-Bulgar clash for political mastery within the quarter. furthermore, the research of the altering socio-political buildings of Bulgaria offers a foundation for knowing its transformation from a free tribal confederation right into a reliable monarchy. whereas this is often basically a local examine, concentrating on the territories and peoples managed by way of the 2 competing powers, it's also of curiosity to scholars of the Frankish, Arab and steppe-nomad worlds, because the family among Byzantium and Bulgaria are positioned right into a wider overseas context.
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Additional info for Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775-831 (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450-1450)
For the apocalyptic literature that may have been circulating in Constantinople in the late eighth and early ninth centuries, see Brubaker and Haldon 2001, 272–275. 9–11) are likely to have been based on material brought by George from Palestine; Speck 1978, 391, talks about an Oriental chronicle. 48 Mango and Ševčenko 1973, 265–266, provide sufficient evidence supporting this hypothesis. By the thirteenth century, the library of Megas Agros possessed thirty-five volumes. 49 Mango and Scott 1997, xci–xcv; Ševčenko 1992a, 287–288; Ljubarskij 1995, 317–322.
Who will not lament? 134 This type of commemoration reflects such an intimate, personal involvement to the events described as to tempt one to wonder whether the author 131 Hunger 1978, II, 243–278. 132 ἄρας μεθ’ ἑαυτοῦ . . 5–10. 6–8. 1 above. 70–74. English translation by Stephenson 2006, 89.
The chronicler describes in some detail the terms requested by the khan, one of which involved the fate of the Bulgar refugees in the empire. 2–6). 5). The emperor has summoned contingents from all the themes to Thrace, but takes no decisive action against the enemy. Leo of the Anatolics and John Aplakes, the strategos of Thrace, both want to attack, but Michael does not allow it. Finally, on June 22, the two armies meet at Versinikia, where the Byzantines are routed. 17–22. For a discussion, see Beševliev 1962, 20–21; Sinor 1993, 447–452; Wortley 1980, 541–542.