By Rebecca M. Jordan-Young
Male and female brains are diversified, because of hormones coursing in the course of the mind sooner than beginning. That's taught as truth in psychology textbooks, educational journals, and bestselling books. And those hardwired alterations clarify every thing from sexual orientation to gender identification, to why there aren't extra girls physicists or extra stay-at-home dads.
In this compelling booklet, Rebecca Jordan-Young takes at the facts that intercourse ameliorations are hardwired into the mind. examining almost all released study that helps the claims of "human mind association theory," Jordan-Young unearths how frequently those stories fail the criteria of technology. no matter if cautious researchers indicate the bounds in their personal reports, different researchers and newshounds can simply forget about them simply because mind association concept simply sounds so correct. but when a chain of methodological weaknesses, questionable assumptions, inconsistent definitions, and massive gaps among ambiguous findings and grand conclusions have collected over the years, then technology isn't medical at all.
Elegantly written, this booklet argues passionately that the research of gender changes merits way more rigorous, biologically subtle technology. "The facts for hormonal intercourse differentiation of the human mind larger resembles a hodge-podge pile than a pretty good structure...Once now we have cleared the rubble, we will start to construct more moderen, extra clinical tales approximately human development."
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Extra info for Brain Storm: The Flaws in the Science of Sex Differences
For some time, I have thought of sex, gender, and sexuality as a three-ply yarn. I ﬁnd the metaphor appealing because it suggests three strands that are simultaneously distinct, interrelated, and somewhat fuzzy around the boundaries. As a double entendre, “three-ply yarn” also suggests the narrative aspects of the domains and their relations with one another (Young 2000). In other words, the perceived relationships among bodies, desires, and a wide range of social norms governing roles and interactions are central to the stories that we tell ourselves about human nature and the meaning of maleness and femaleness.
This might not be particularly compelling if she didn’t also document how this commitment to a fundamentally sexual classiﬁcation of hormones systematically blocked some kinds of information. For example, scientists had repeated difﬁculty assimilating the information that both males and females produce and use both androgens (“male sex hormones”) and estrogens (“female sex hormones”). Likewise, biologist Marianne van den Wijngaard (1997) has documented the great difﬁculty mid-twentieth-century experimental psychologists had with the information that estrogen—the quintessential “female” hormone—was even more important than testosterone for the development of certain “masculine” characteristics.
3 Hormones and Hardwiring p 23 But it hasn’t always been easy to bend hormones to such interpretations, and Oudshoorn and others have documented how scientiﬁc evidence about so-called male and female hormones quickly caused trouble. There were three key assumptions about hormones that drove the early research paradigm. First, it was assumed that the hormones would be sexspeciﬁc, each hormone appearing and relating to proper functioning only in one sex, while generally causing malfunction in the other sex.