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240; “the conditions reigning in the Kingdom’s prisons were always bleak. In the city of Naples the prisons were located mainly in places belonging to private estates, and the jailers paid rent to the private owners; to bear this cost they demanded payment of a certain sum by the prisoners ... [I]t is to be noted that the food supplied to the prisoners in 1601 was calculated at the rate of about four grana a day”. 39. , Visitatori del Viceregno di Napoli, Bari, Tipografia del Sud, 1974, passim.
After the first years of largescale intervention by the Jesuit fathers, a gradual rift came about between the spiritual side of the assistance, which they remained in charge of, and the formal control of the Prison, which came within the competence of the Vicaria Tribunal. 33 Together with these instructions of a general nature regarding prison surveillance, there were also Instructions for running the infirmary: the doctor was ordered to visit the prison twice a day to respond to any immediate need to hospitalize the sick; the “spezieria”, or apothecary’s store, was to be kept under constant watch to ensure that all the necessary medicines were there, while convalescents were to be kept in the infirmary until completely cured to prevent relapse or further contagion.
17. 22. , The Cost of Empire: The Finances of the Kingdom of Naples in the Time of Spanish Rule, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001, p. 37. 23. , “Trends and Problems in Neapolitan History in the Age of Charles V”, in Calabria, A. A. Marino, eds, Good Government in Spanish Naples, New York, NY: Lang, 1990, pp. 43–44. See also his Alla periferia dell’impero. Il Regno di Napoli nel periodo Spagnolo (secoli xvi–xvii), Turin: Einaudi, 1994. 24. , 1989, p. 90; as Elliott has observed elsewhere, Neapolitan elites enjoyed “substantial leverage, which could be used on the one hand to exert pressure on the crown, and on the other to extend their social and economic dominance over their own communities”.